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Syncretism of Hinduism and the Other Religions in Indonesia and India

―Cases of Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan and Kabīr’s Thought―

Shinobu Yamaguchi

Faculty of Letters, Toyo University,

5-28-20, Hakusan, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo, Japan


  1. Introduction

  In the history of its spread in South and Southeast Asia, Hinduism often encountered the other religions which are not only the ‘World Religions’ such as Islam and Buddhism but also local religions existing since ancient time. In the process, Hinduism seldom fought with or excluded the other religions but absorbed or was fused with them to some extent. In this paper, I would like to show some cases of syncretism of Hinduism and the other religions, especially in the medieval period of India and Indonesia. Here, in order to consider some structures of syncretism, we would like to see the description of Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan which was compiled at Java, and the thought of Kabīr (1398-1448) who is the author of Bījak and gave the great influence over the medieval Hinduism and Sikhism founded by Guru Nānak in India of 15th century. By analyzing the forms of syncretism in both cases, we will see some characteristics in common and the difference between them. In the next section, let us start with seeing the syncretism of Hinduism and Buddhism mentioned at Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan.

  1. Discussion

2.1 Syncretism of Hinduism and Buddhism found at Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan 

2.1.1 Outline of Sang Hyang Kamahāyānan mantranaya (SHKM)

  Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan is a Tantric Buddhist scripture written in Sanskrit and Old Javanese languages. It is said to have been compiled in Java in between 10th and 14th century, but the accurate period of compilation is not clear yet. [1] Actually, this text

consists of two works: Sang Hyang Kamahāyānan mantranaya (SHKM), and Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan (SHK). [2] J. Kats first introduced these two texts and translated them into Dutch in 1910.

The Contents of Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan

In 1913, Speyer criticized the texts of Kats and published a new edition and a German translation of the former part, SHKM. [3] Some Japanese scholars studied on the text focusing on SHKM, because some Sanskrit verses appearing in SHKM turned out to be the quotations from one of the most sacred and important texts for the Singon-sect in Japanese Tantric Buddhism, Mahāvairocanasūtra (VS, 『大日経』). The original Sanskrit text of VS has not been found yet, and only Tibetan and Chinese translations exist, thus, the Sanskrit verses remaining in SHKM became precious materials to know the original Sanskrit passages in VS. In 1935, Japanese Buddhist scholar Unrai Ogiwara introduced the contents of SHKM and translated all of the 42 Sanskrit verses of SHKM into Japanese. In 1953, Shiro Sakai indicated that the verses from 26th to 42th of SHKM are the quotations from Śrīparamādya (『理趣広経』).[4] Scholars were rather more interested in SHKM than SHK. Kazuko Ishii translated both SHKM and SHK into Japanese.[5]

  Of these two parts of the text, SHKM consists of 42 Sanskrit verses[6] and the Old Javanese commentary to each verse, and the text describes the procedure of initiation and consecration (Skt. abhiṣeka) of the disciple in Tantric Buddhism. In SHKM, first the teacher explains the greatness of ‘the Way of Mantra’ (Skt. mantranaya) to the disciple. Here, the teacher tells the importance of mantra, vajra, ghaṇṭā, mudrā, samaya, and maṇḍala. Then the teacher invites Buddhist deity, Vajrasattva that is considered as the Vajra-Knowledge (Skt. vajrajñāna) itself, into the disciple’s heart. Thereafter, the teacher invites the disciple into the maṇḍala blindfolding him.

After entering the maṇḍala, the disciple opens his eyes to look at the maṇḍala and clear away his ignorance. After the process of cleansing disciple’s eyes, the teacher

instructs that all existences lack their nature (Skt. niḥsavabhāva). Those eye-cleansing and instruction are the procedure of initiation named ‘cakrawartyabhiṣeka.’ [7] Then the teacher again tells the importance of vajra, ghaṇṭā, mudrā, samaya, and the teacher (Skt. ācārya). SHKM ends with insisting the belief in vajra which is the peace of mind (Skt. manaḥprasādavajra).

  As mentioned above, SHKM tells the procedure of the initiation ritual and the importance of mantra, vajra etc. which have much importance in Tantric Buddhism. SHKM quoted almost all the Sanskrit verses from Indian Tantric Buddhist texts[8]. Some Nepalese Tantric Buddhist texts written in Sanskrit and Newari languages also quote many verses from Indian Tantric Buddhist texts. And those original Indian texts are common to the ones quoted into SHKM. SHKM has similar structure to the Nepalese Buddhist texts. It can be said that SHKM is one of the typical texts derived from the original Indian Tantric Buddhist ritual texts (vidhi).[9]   

We cannot find any reference about the Hindu gods and goddesses, or Hindu theories in SHKM. Thus, we cannot say that SHKM, the former part of Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan, has the factor of syncretism of Hinduism and Buddhism. Next, we will see the latter part, Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan (SHK).

2.1.2 Elements of Syncretism in Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan (SHK)

SHK consists of 33 Sanskrit verses and the commentary in Old Javanese.[10] SHK mentions the Buddhist philosophy, the maṇḍala, and the yoga practice[11]. This text first refers to six pāramitā which Mahāyāna Buddhist ascetics (Skt. bodhisattva) should practice. In the commentary here, four more pāramitā: metrī (Skt. maitrī), karuṇā, muditā, and upekṣā are mentioned. In the commentary, these four pāramitā are said to be the natures of four Buddhist goddesses: Locanā, Māmakī, Pāṇḍaravāsinī, and Tārā.[12] Then, the commentary mentions about four yogas: (1) Mūlayoga, (2) Madhyayoga, (3)

Wasānayoga, and (4) Antayoga. In (1), the yogin meditates on the deity in the space, and in (2) he meditates that the deity is in the ascetic’s body. Then in (3), he meditates on the deity in the earth-maṇḍala (pṛthiwīmaṇḍala). Finally, in (4) he meditates on the deity in the emptiness-maṇḍala (śūnyatāmaṇḍala)[13].

Thereafter, SHK mentions two kinds of sounds: aṃ and aḥ. Here, these two sounds are also inhaling and exhaling. The yogin fills his body with the sound aṃ to make his body like the sun. Then he exhales with the sound aḥ to make his body calm like the moon. This breathing is considered as the act to deepen the four yogas mentioned before. As the result of ‘aṃ-aḥ breathing,’ the yogin completes the unity of aṃ-aḥ which is the ultimate enlightenment. This unity is also called ‘the father of Buddha,’ ‘the mother of Buddha,’ ‘Prajñāpāramitā,’ or ‘Diwārūpa’ which is Buddha Himself. Here, ‘Buddha’ is not a historical Gautama Siddhārtha but a deified one.

This Diwarūpa is said to be the ‘Supreme God (dewawiśeṣa)’ and ‘the Highest Emptiness (Paramaśūnya)’. Simultaneously, it is God Paramaśiwa. Paramaśiwa is regarded as the supreme God in Hindu Śaiva sect. Furthermore, it is Puruṣa for the disciples of Kapila (the followers of Sāṅkhya philosophy), ‘Ātman’ for the disciples of Kaṇabhakṣa (the followers of Vaiśeṣika philosophy), and ‘Nirguṇa’ for the followers of god Wiṣṇu (Skt.Viṣṇu). Here, although the author of SHK put Diwarūpa (Buddha) on the highest place, this excellent existence is also shared by the followers of Hindu gods and philosophies.

Then Diwarūpa (Supreme Buddha) creates Śākyamuni Buddha. Next, from Śākyamuni, Wairocana (Skt. Vairocana), Lokeśwara (Skt. Lokeśvara), and Bajrapāṇi (Skt. Vajrapāṇi) are created. Then from these three Buddhas, four Tathāgatas, namely, Akṣobhya, Ratnasambhawa (Skt. Ratnasambhava), Amithābha, and Amoghasiddhi appear. These four Tathāgatas and Wairocana are five Buddhas that appear in Vajradhātumaṇḍala. The description of creating Buddhas in turn shows that the Buddhist yogin creates the other Buddha by his meditation after getting enlightenment and becoming Buddha.[14]

Thereafter, three Hindu gods, namely, Īśwara (Śiwa), Brahmā, and Wiṣṇu are created from all the activity (sarwwakāryyakartta) of Wairocana. Wairocana Buddha orders those three Hindu gods to fill the three world (tribhuwana) with the contents[15]. The

Indian Buddhist maṇḍala, for example, Garbhadhātumaṇḍala which is based on the text Mahāvairocanasūtra, also contains Brahmā, Śiva, and Viṣṇu. But there, those Hindu gods are placed on the peripheral area of the maṇḍala and don’t have any importance. But here in SHK, those three gods are in charge of completing the world. Comparing with the importance of Hindu gods in Indian Tantric Buddhist texts, the three Hindu gods have much more importance in SHK.

In Java and Bali, the concept of ‘Śiwa-Buddha’ is very popular, but the text SHK doesn’t contain the term Śiwa-Buddha. However, in SHK, Diwarūpa which is identified with Buddha and Paramaśūnya, is also Paramaśiwa. SHK shows the indication of future Śiwa-Buddha concept. Here, Hindu gods are ordered by Buddhist Wairocana to fill the world. Thus, here Buddhist gods always has supremacy over Hindu ones. But does it mean that Buddhism has their religious supremacy over Hinduism? I think that the power of Hinduism was too strong for Buddhism to ignore at the period of the compilation of SHK[16]. Or probably Hinduism began to have had enough power to surpass Buddhism. In SHK, Buddhist people might want to keep their advantage over Hinduism in spite of putting Hindu deities on a high position. The cult of Śiwa-Buddha became popular since 14th Century under Majapahit Dynasty[17] in East Java, and Buddhism was finally absorbed in Hinduism though the Śiwa-Buddha cult is still alive in Balinese Hinduism. In the next section, we will see another case in India.


2.2 Syncretism of Hinduism, Buddhism, and Islam in Kabīr’s Thought

2.2.1 The Religious Background of Kabīr

  Here, I will introduce the thought of Kabīr, the author of the literature named Bījak.[18] The reason why I selected Kabīr here as the material for comparing with the example of Javanese Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan, are the following two. The first reason is that both Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan and Kabīr appeared in the period when the multiple religions already existed in each area, and both cases show the elements of syncretism. The second reason is that the syncretism found at Kabīr’s thought brought the different religious transformation and effect from Javanese one.

  Kabīr is a mystic poet in the 15th century. It is said that he was born in 1398, lived at

Kāśī (Vānarasī) in northern India for some time[19], and died in 1448. His evaluation in India are as follows[20]:

  1) He is a pioneer of Hindi literature and positioned in the highest class with Tulsīdās in the field.

2) He is a Viṣṇu Bhakta for Hindus.

  3) He is a Pīr (teacher) for Muslims.

  4) He is a devotee for Sikh people.

  5) He is an incarnation of Supreme Existence (satya-puruṣa) for the devotees of Kabīr sect (kabīr panthī).

  6) In modern times of India, he is a proponent of harmony of Hindus and Muslims for the patriots. 

  7) For the people who follow the modern school of Vedānta, he is a promotor of ‘Human Religion,’ who impeached both of the mere-shelled ritualism of Hinduism and the dogmatism of orthodox Islam.

  8) For the progressive people today, he is a social reformer who condemned the discrimination in the Varṇa-Jāti system.

  9) He is often compared with Buddha due to his wide parallax, indomitableness, and the big influence on the public.

As mentioned above, Kabīr is regarded as not only a poet but also a saint for the followers of Kabīr sect, Hinduism, Islam, and Sikhism. It can be said that he himself is a symbol of coexistence of multi-religion. Kabīr played an active part at the period when two centuries had passed since the coexistence of Hindus and Muslims began in northern part of India. Kabīr is said to be born in the family of ‘Julāhā’ class at the end of 14th century. Julāhā people belonged to the Śūdra caste, being engaged in weaving, and converted into Islam from 12th to 14th century. They were not ‘untouchable’ people, but this community of artisans were dissatisfied with the Indian Hindu society which had strict caste system and regarded Brahmanas the most important[21].  

It is not clear whether those Julāhā people converted into Islam from either Hindus or Buddhism, because those two religions had already been syncretized in their class of the society by the period of Kabīr. Since 11th century, both Nāthas (Nāth) and Siddhas were popular. Siddhas were Buddhist yogins who followed the tradition of Vajrayāna (Tantric Buddhism), especially Sahajayāna[22], whereas Nāthas are Hindus, especially Śaiva. Both

of them practiced Haṭha-yoga as the way to Mokṣa. In Buddhist Tantric tradition, 84 Siddhas are popular, and some Hindu Nāthas are included into those Buddhist Siddhas, too.

The founder of Nātha-sect is said to be God Śiva, then the tradition was handled down to Macchendranāth[23], and from Macchendranāth to Gorakhnāth. Gorakhnāth is said to have lived in northern India in 11th -12th century. The followers of Gorakhnāth were called ‘Jogī’ (Skt. yogin). Nowadays, the people of Jogī (Jugī) are the weaver. Hashimoto (2006: 21-22) suggests the possibility that Nātha cult, which had the anti-Brahmanic and semi-Buddhistic characteristics, already spread over the jātis of weaver or the other artisans by the age of Kabīr. Furthermore, Hashimoto says that Kabīr seems to have had much more knowledge about Nātha cult than the authentic Islam tenet, in spite that he is deemed as a Muslim.  

Another religious background of Kabīr is Islam. By the period of Kabīr, mystic Sufism already spread widely in northern India. In medieval India, Jogī, the followers of Nātha cult, and Islamic Sufi coexisted at the period of Delhi-Sultan dynasties, and those two are often confused by ordinary people. Jogī people were also called ‘Pīr’, which means ‘teacher’ in Persian, and later Pīr was worshipped by the people as Islam saint or as a Hindu god.

At the time of Kabīr, Hinduism, especially Nātha cult focusing on Śaivism, Tantric Buddhist Siddha cult, and Islam focusing on Sufism at the level of the public, became mixed to some extent, and the mixture included superstitions as well as piousness. Although Kabīr was influenced by the religious movement, he denied those superstitions.

After 14th century, mystic poets called ‘Sant’ appeared in the middle and northern India. They follow the Vedānta philosophy and had the tendency of monotheism. Socially they opposed to the Varṇa-Jāti system, and denied the idol worship and the ritualism of Brahmana. Many of Sants are Hindus except some Muslims, and they are placed at the bottom of the Hindu society.[24]

The Sants are the enthusiastic supporter of Bhakti. Those Sants are often regarded as ‘Viṣṇu Bhakta,’ but the object of their Bhakti is not god Viṣṇu, his avatāra Rāma or Kṛṣṇa, but ‘the Existence having no attribute’ (Skt. nirguṇa). For them, the concept of god was essentially spiritual. The Nirguṇa is the absolute real existence, non-born, non-form, and all-pervading. In the Sant tradition, only two manifestations, the name

(Hi. nām) of god and the personality of Sant, are admitted. Kabīr is regarded as one of the important Gurus in the Sant tradition.

2.2.2 Kabīr’s thought found in Bījak

  As mentioned above, Kabīr’s thought has a complicated background. Here, in order to see the characteristics of his thought, I will quote some verses from the work Bījak ascribed to Kabīr.[25] Kabīr’s works are based on the three texts: Ādigranth (the sacred text of Sikhism and later called Guru Granth Sāhib, GS), Pañc Vāṇī (PV)[26], and Bījak (BI)[27]. Among them, BI is considered as the most important one. Kabīr mentions the importance of the Bhakti:

     Kabīr says, “The hope of Yogī and the Jangam is withered.

     If they repeat, like Chatrik birds, the name of Rāma,

     Their abode in Bhakti is sure. ”                          (BI, Sabada 26)

Here, Kabīr uses the name of Rāma as the means of his Bhakti. However, like the other Sants, the object of his Bhakti is neither Rāma nor Viṣṇu, but Nirguṇa. So, he criticizes the Bakta to Saguṇa:

     One after another died the practitioner of Bhakti,

     those who knew the Nirguṇa God in Saguṇa one.            (BI, Raimanī 54)

And his goal is the ultimate state:

     Look for the group of Saints (sādhu), where should the soul go after liberation?

     There is no moon, no sun, no night, no twilight, where is no expansion of five elements.

Few Sants attain where no time, no non-time, no destruction exists.

 (BI, Hiṇḍolā 1)

He also mentions the ultimate state as follows:

     By the mingling of water and air chaos, this is produced.

     If you return your consciousness into the Empty (Hi. sunnahi, Skt. śūnya),

     how can you declare Jāti?                               (BI, Raimanī 39)

     Though I say many times, they do not listen,

     The Nature (Sahaja) goes back to the Nature.                 (BI, Sabada 4)

As mentioned above, Kabīr was influenced by Siddha cult in Tantric Buddhism. ‘Śūnya’ is the Mahāyāna Buddhist term which means ‘emptiness of the nature of existences.’ However, in Tantric Buddhism, it often means the absolute or ultimate entity to be aimed by Tantric Buddhist ascetics. ‘Sahaja’ (‘born together or ‘the nature’) is also the term used to indicate the Nature in the Siddha cult of Tantric Buddhism. Those two verses show the influence of Tantric Buddhism over Kabīr. Because the world goes back to the Empty or the absolute entity, every Jāti is equal for him:

Who can be called ‘Hindu,’ who can be called ‘Turk (Muslim)’?

They are living on the same earth.                          (BI, Sabada 30)

2.3 Patterns of Syncretism in Two Cases

   Here, I will try to show some structures of syncretism found in two cases mentioned above. Javanese Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan consists of two parts: Sang Hyang Kamahāyānan mantranaya (SHKM) and Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan (SHK). The former part, SHKM, is one of the typical texts derived from the original Indian Tantric Buddhist ritual texts, and it doesn’t have the elements of syncretism of Buddhism and Hinduism. However, the latter part, SHK, has the elements. Tantric Buddhist yogin performs ‘aṃ-aḥ breathing’ to get ‘Diwarūpa,’ which is the unity of aṃ and aḥ, namely, the enlightenment, and also Buddha himself. This Diwarūpa (Buddha) is Paramaśiwa as well as Paramaśūnya. And it is also Nirguṇa for Vaiṣṇava people, Puruṣa for Sāṅkhya scholars, and Ātman for Vaiśeṣika scholars. Diwarūpa is not only enjoyed by Buddhists but also shared by Hindus. Fig. 1 shows this matter.

Then, in SHK, Diwarūpa creates Śākyamuni, Wairocana and the other Buddhas respectively. Thereafter, Wairocana orders three Hindu gods: Brahmā, Wiṣṇu, and Śiwa to fulfill the world. Here, SHK gives the important role to Hindu gods, although giving the advantage to Buddhist deities. We can represent this in Fig. 2.

On the other hand, Kabīr’s thought has the syncretism of Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam. By his time, already Hindu Nātha cult and Siddha cult of Tantric Buddhism had mixed. At his period, Sufism spread in northern India. The monotheistic tendency in which the practitioner aims at ‘the Only Absolute Reality,’ is common to Hinduism, Buddhism, and Islam (especially Sufi) and this tendency contains the factor of mysticism. Buddhism and Islam don’t share any term of the cult or concept, but they share the tendency of monotheism along with Hinduism. Kabīr praised Sants who aimed at Nirguṇa, Śūnya, or Sahaja. Those complex of multiple religions formed Kabīr’s thought. Furthermore, this thought of Kabīr influenced Guru Nānak and his works became one of the basic scriptures of Sikhism. Fig. 3 shows the structure of Kabīr’s thought.

These three figures show different structures, and we cannot simply compare these cases without their contexts. The syncretism of Hindu Śaivism and Tantric Buddhism is common between SHK and Kabīr. We can say that this movement occurred almost at the same period both in northern India and Java. As we saw before, this syncretism was caused by their similarity in mystic asceticism. However, the syncretism in both area seems to have much relationship with the history of spread of Hinduism and Buddhism over Indonesia from India.

  On the other hand, the difference between SHK and Kabīr is the syncretism of Hinduism and Islam. Of course, Islam was not popular at the time of SHK. After spread of Islam, syncretism between Hinduism and Islam might have occurred in Java. However, in Java, such a syncretic idea did not become the basic theory of a new religion like the case of Kabīr and Sikhism. The reason of the difference between two cases may be caused by the difference of caste system in between India and Indonesia, or caused by the social power of artisans’ community which Kabīr belonged to in the medieval northern India. For further consideration of the fact, we should collect and analyze more historical and socio-religious materials.

  1. Conclusion

  In this paper, I presented the cases of syncretism of Hinduism and the other religions in India and Java. Actually, Javanese Tantric Buddhist text SHK refers to ‘Ṣaḍaṅgayoga’ (yoga consisting of six parts), which is also mentioned in Javanese Hindu Śaiva texts:  Wṛhaspatitattwa and Gaṇapatitattwa.[28] We can see the syncretism of Tantric Buddhism and Hindu Śaivism in this part, too. Furthermore, an Indian Tantric Buddhist text and a Hindu Śaiva one, both of them are entitled Bhūtaḍāmaratantra, have the quite similar contents except the narrators of the stories in each text.[29] Like this, we can see the other material of syncretism of Buddhist Tantrism and Śaivism than the cases mentioned in this paper.

  This paper shows only some cases of the issue. We need more materials in order to analyze the patterns of syncretism of Hinduism and the other religions. For further research of this issue, we should see not only the reference materials like the texts used in this paper, but also the syncretic phenomenon found in the actual religious performances like rituals. It is also my research issue in the future.  



Ando, Mitsuru 2007 “Textual Sources of the Old Javanese Śaiva Text Wṛhaspatitattwa,” Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies (Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu) 56(1): 249-255.

Aoyama, Toru 1986 “Kojawa Bungaku ni okeru Sutasōma Monogatari no Juyō to Henyō (The Adoption and Structural Transformation in Old Javanese Literature of Sutasoma, an Indian Buddhist Story), Tōnan Ajia Kenkyū 24 (1): 3-16. 

Bechert, Heinz 1981 “The Buddhayāna of Indonesia: A syncretistic form of Theravāda,” Journal of the Pali Text Society (9): 10-21.

Dasgupta, Shashibhusan 1946 Obscure Religious Cults as Background of Bengali Literature, University of Calcutta, Calcutta.

Fujii, Akira 2016 “Būtadāmara Tantora ni okeru Hatsuwa-sha,” Toyo Daigaku Daigakuin Kiyō 53: 141-159.

Hashimoto, Taigen 2002 Shūkyō-shi Bījak, Heibon-sha, Tokyo.

Hashimoto, Taigen 2006 Indo Chūsei Minshū Shisō no Kenkyū, Nonburu-sha, Tokyo.

Ishi, Kazuko 1988a “Kojawa San Hian Kamahāyanan Mantranaya (Shou Shingon-dou Daijō),” Tokyo Gaikokugo Daigaku Ronshū 38: 289-301.

Ishi, Kazuko 1988b “Kojawa San Hian Kamahāyanan (Shou Daijō Ron) Zenyaku,” Ito Sadanori Sensei, Shibusawa Motonori Sensei Koki Kinen Ronshū, Tokyo       

Gaikokugo Daigaku (Tokyo University of Foreign Studies), Indonesia-Malaysia Go Gakka Kenkyū Shitsu.

Ishi, Kazuko 1989 “Old Javanese Esoteric Buddhism as Seen in the Sang Hyang Kamahāyanikan.” (San Hyang Kamahāyanikan ni Miru Kojawa no Mikkyō), Tōnan Ajia Kenkyū 27 (1): 55-70.

Iwamoto, Yutaka 1953 “Java no Bukkyo Bunken ni Tsuite,” Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies (Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu) (2)-1: 233-236.

Ogiwara, Unrai 1937 “Jawa ni oite Hakken Seraretaru Mikkyō-Yōbun,” Ogiwara Unrai Bunshū, Tokyo, pp. 737-746.

Putu Suamba, I.B. 2009 Siwa-Buddha di Indonesia: Ajaran dan Perkembangannya, Program Magister (S2) Ilmu Agama dan Kebudayaan, Universitas Hindu Indonesia bekerja sama dengan Widya Dharma, Denpasar.

Sakai, Shiro 1950 “Java Hakken Mikkyo Yobun no Issetu ni Tsuite,” Mikkyo Bunka: 38-46.

Shah, Ahmad 1917 The Bijak of Kabir: Translated into English, Hamirpur, U.P.

Speyer, J.S. 1913 “Ein altjavanischer mahāyānistischer Katechismus,” Zeitshrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellshaft 67-2: 347-362.

Yamaguchi, Shinobu 2005 Nepāru Mikkyō Girei no Kenkyū, Sanki-bō Bussho-rin, Tokyo.

[1] Sakai (1950: 236) tells that the compilations of both SHKM and SHK are 10 C, referring opinions       

of Speyer and Krom. On the other hand, Iwamoto (1953: 235) introduces Barandes’s opinion that both SHKM and SHK were compiled at or a little before the period of Majapahit dynasty.

[2] (Bechert 1981: 10)

[3] In 1935, K. Wulff translated SHKM into Danish. (Ishii 1989: 55)

[4] (Sakai 1950). Iwamoto Yutaka criticized the Kats, Speyer and Krom on the interpretation of the title of SHKM. (Iwamoto 1953)

[5] (Ishii 1988a) (Ishii 1988b)

[6] I referred the Sanskrit verses of SHKM in (Speyer 1913: 354-362).

[7]  The name of abhiṣeka doesn’t appear at the verses but appears in the commentary of 40th verse.

[8]  Ishii (1989: 61) shows all the original Indian Tantric Buddhist texts from which SHKM quoted the verses.

[9]  On the structures of Nepalese Buddhist vidhis, see (Yamaguchi 2005: 127-245)

[10]  I referred the digital text of SHK uploaded on the GRETIL – Göttingen Register of Electronic Texts in Indian Languages and related Indological materials from Central and Southeast Asia. (, Input by Andrea Acri in    2008, Downloaded on May 8, 2017) This text is based on the ed.: Saṅ Hyaṅ Kamahāyānikan, Oud-Javaansche tekst met Inleiding, Vertaling en Aanteekeningen door J. Kats, s’Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1910.

[11]  (Suamba 2009: 85)

[12] “bharālī locanā metrī tatwa nira, bharālī māmakī karuṇā tatwa nira, bharālī pāṇḍarawāsinī sira ta makatatwa ṅ upekṣā.” See SHK(b39)

[13] Next, the commentary mentions four ‘bhāwanā (Skt. bhāvanā)’: śāstībhāwanā, uṣmibhāwanā, wṛddhabhāwanā, and agrabhāwanā. The yogin performs these bhāwanā in order to destroy three kleśas: rāga (greediness), dweṣa (Skt. dveṣa, hatred), and moha (perplexity). These four bhāwanās are respectively related to the four yogas mentioned above. See SHK (a41)

[14] But here it cannot be said that he meditates on the Vajradhātumaṇḍala.

[15] “iwirnya īśwara, brahmā, wiṣṇu, sira ta kinon mamaripūrṇākna ṅ tribhuwana mwaṅ isyanya de bhaṭāra wairocana” See SHK (b53).

[16] The Kelurak inscription (778 A.D.) shows the sentence that Buddhist god Vajradhṛk (here identified with Mañjuśrī) is Brahmā, Viṣṇu, and Maheśvara. (Putu Suamba 2009: 87-88) (Ishii 1989: 58)  

[17] Aoyama (1986: 14-15) tells that Sutasoma Jātaka compiled by Mpu Tantular in 14th century shows the evidence of Śiwa-Buddha cult in Hindu Java.

[18] For the description of Kabīr’s religious background and translation of Bījak, I am greatly indebted to (Hashimoto 2002) (Hashimoto 2006). 

[19] Shah (1917: 1) says that Kabīr’s life is full of legend but his living at Kāśī for some time and his death at Maghar in Uttar Pradesh are certain.

[20] (Hashimoto 2006: 11-12)

[21] (Hashimoto 2002: 261-262)

[22] Dasgupta (1946: 58-115) mentions the outlook of Sahajayāna based on Doha Kośa compiled at Bengal in 11th century.

[23] Macchendranāth is also regarded as Buddhist deity, Lokeśvara in Nepal.

[24] (Hashimoto 2006: 28)

[25] In this paper, I referred the English translation of Bījak in (Shah 1917) and Japanese translation in (Hashimoto 2006).

[26]  PV is the quotations from five Sants in 14th -15th century: Dādū, Kabīr, Nāmdev, Ravidās, and Haridās) 

[27]  BJ is the most important works, which was compiled by Kabīr sect people.

[28] (Ando 2007: 265)

[29] Fujii (2016) demonstrated that Buddhist version preceded Hindu version by analyzing the narrators of the stories in both Buddhist and Hindu versions of Bhūtaḍāmaratantra.    

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